고대근동사20. 페리클레스 ft.데모크라시

2.: On the Intellectual Indispensability of Studying Ancient History↩

Among all the fields of learning in the world there prevails, like a fundamental chord that keeps sounding through, the history of the ancient world, i.e., of all those peoples whose lives have flowed into ours.

 

It would be idle to assume that after four centuries of humanism everything had been learned from the ancient world, all experiences and data had been utilized, and there were no longer anything to be gained there, so that one could content oneself with a knowledge of more modern times or, possibly, make a pitying or reluctant study of the Middle Ages and spend the time saved on more useful things.

 

We shall never be rid of antiquity as long as we do not become barbarians again. 

 

2. 고대사를 대갈빡에 넣어서리 이해해야

세상에 흩어 널려진 모든 배워야 하는 것들 중에서, 그 모든 것들을 관통하고 지탱하는 어떤 근본적인 줄기가 있는데 그건 바로 고대 시절의 이야기다. 이는 모든 사람들이 수천년 살면서 지금 우리들에게 흘러 스며있는 것이다

 

이따위로 가정하면 무식한거다. 즉. 지난 인문주의라는 르네상스 이후 4백년이 지난 1800년대인 지금, 이미 고대의 세상에 대해 모든 것은 다 습득이 된거고, 모든 그 경험들과 정보들이 활용이 되었고, 그래서 더 이상 얻을게 없어서리, 이제부터는 현재 지금 태동하는 지식들을 발굴하고 익히는데 서로들 전념하자고 하면서리 중세시대조차 뭐 알 필요있냐 , 더 실용적인 것을 위해 시간을 쏟자.

 

는 따위의 말들은 들이나 하는 말이란다. 우리는 결코 고대의 것을 버려서는 안된다. 야만인들로 다시 가고자 하지 않는다면.

 

 

5.: The Historical Significance of Egypt↩

We must keep our view unaffected by the ease with which changes and new developments in state and culture now occur, and take a wide and high perspective. Then Egypt will appear in its unique greatness.

 

5, 이집트에 대한 역사적인 중요성

 

우리네는 지금의 상황과 문화가 만들어내는 변화들과 듣보잡의 발전으로 편하게 산다는 것때메 시선이 왜곡이 되는데 일단 이러지 말자. 보다 넓고 깊은 시야를 갖아야 한다. 그러면 고대 이집트는 그 자체로 독보적인 위대함으로 보일 것이다

 

 

.

burckhardt-judgments-on-history-and-historians. 야코프 부르크 하르트. 강의록

 

 

고대 이집트와 고대 메소포타미아.를 모르면 말야. 무식한겨. 정치를 하면 안돼 이걸 모르면. 이걸 모르면 시사를 논하면 안되고 역사 이야기를 하면 안돼.

 

 

저들은 다 알아. 다 스며 있어. 지식인 자연 하는 애들은 다 알아

 

 

이땅바닥에 저걸 모르니, 아 정말 그따위 애가 쓴 책이 바로 베스트셀러야. ㅋㅋㅋ. 사마천은 위대한 사가고. 헤로도토스는 돈 벌기 위해 글쓰기 하고. 순수하지 못하고. 

 

 

 

아 정말 한심한건데 진짜. 

 

 

 

이땅바닥의 지식인들 수준은. 너무나 너무나 너무나 끔찍해.

 

 

민들이 좀 깨어야 하는데, 헌데 민들을 깨우기 위해서는 지식인들이 필요하걸랑. 헌데 이 이땅바닥엔 지식인이 없어. 악순환의 연속이지.

 

 

Pericles (/ˈpɛrɪkliːz/; Greek: Περικλῆς Periklēs, 

pronounced 

[pe.ri.klɛ̂ːs] in Classical Attic; c. 495 – 429 BC) was a prominent and influential Greekstatesman, orator and general of Athens during the Golden Age — specifically the time between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. He was descended, through his mother, from the powerful and historically influential Alcmaeonid family.

 

페리클레스. 기원전 495년에서 429년. 그리스 황금기.의 사람인데. 저사람이 죽고 그리스.는 끝난겨. 

고대 그리스에 위대한 인간들이 많걸랑. 이 조선바닥엔 위인전 쓸만한 인간들이. 단. 하나.도 없어. 특히 조선건국이래 육백년 지난 칠백년째. 단 단 단 하나. 도 없어. 끔찍한겨 이게.

 

 

기원전의 위대한 인간을 꼽을때. 저 페리클레스.는 그야말로 독보적 인간이야. 이 인간을 습해서 확장 실현한게 바로 율리우스 카이사르.야 

 

 

지금 문명은 율리우스 카이사르 더하기 예수. 야. 먼말인지 모를텐데.

 

 

 

Pericles' Funeral Oration is a famous speech from Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War.^[2] The speech was delivered by Pericles, an eminent Athenian politician, at the end of the first year of the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC) as a part of the annual public funeralfor the war dead.

 

페리클레스.의 연설문이 있어. 데모크라시.에 대한 교본이지만. 이게 모든 문명의 걍 교본이야. 
투키디데스.가 필로폰네소스 전쟁사.에서 썻어. 마치 페리클레스.의 연설을 녹음기 틀고 써댄것처럼. 
투키디데스.의 저 전쟁사.는 엄청난겨. 왜 엄청나냐. 저따위 연설문을 자기식으로 써댔걸랑. 저게 페리클레스의 이야기를 그대로 담았다.는건 말이 되냐. 페리클레스가 연설문을 남기지도 않았거니와 녹음기가 있는것도 아니고. 그 들은 이야기를 바탕으로 그 시절로 들어가서리 그 소리가 투키디데스.의 마음속을 들어가서리 여과된겨 저게.

Thucydides (/θjuːˈsɪdɪdiːz/; Greek: Θουκυδίδης, Thoukydídēs, Ancient Attic: [tʰuːkydídɛːs]; 

c.

 460 – c. 400 BC) was an Athenian historian and general. 

 

투키디데스. 페리클레스 보다 35년이 나와서 고대로 그 후에 죽었어. 아부지세대여. 고위 공직자였어.

Thucydides has been dubbed the father of "scientific history" by those who accept his claims to have applied strict standards of impartiality and evidence-gathering and analysis of cause and effect, without reference to intervention by the deities, as outlined in his introduction to his work.^[1][2]

 

저 책을 그야말로 아무런 구속없이 보다 온전하게. 수집한 증거대로 써서리. 그야말로 과학적인 역사가.의 아부지.라 해. 

 

 

사마천은 말야. 쟤들 고대 그리스 고대 로마의 역사가들에. 못껴 

 

 

사마천의 사기. 그 개 허섭 번역한 걸 보고서리. 우왕 위대해유. 아 불쌍하지 진짜. 저따위 대갈빡에서 나온 글들이 서점에선 무조건 베스트고. 이땅바닥에 위대하고 음청난 이성인인 마냥. 

 

 

아 정말 불쌍한겨 이땅바닥 민들은. 

 

 

페리클레스.의 저 장례식 발표글. 추도문. 오레이션. oration. 

 

오레이션.은 공식적인 연설. 이야 어떤 기념식날의. 좀 무거운 단어고.

 

흔히 율러지. eulogy. 라고 하는 추도사.는 막 죽은 사람에 대해서 장례식때 하는 개인.에 대한 추도문의 성격이 강해. 해서 걍 누구 장례식 때 추도하면 그건 오레이션 보다는 율러지. 하는데.

 

 

페리클레스. 이야기를 할라믄 고대그리스 이야기를 해야 하는데. 넘어가 걍. 

 

하나만 썰 풀면. 고대 그리스 하면 우리네가 아는건 걍 아테네. 랑 스파르타. 걸랑. 얘들은 그 폴리스 들 중에. 도시국가 들 중에 2개 인 폴리스 일 뿐이야

 

Ancient Greece consisted of several hundred relatively independent city-states (poleis). This was a situation unlike that in most other contemporary societies, which were either tribal or kingdoms ruling over relatively large territories. 

 

고대 그리스.는 수백개의 독립적인 폴리스. 도시국가들로 구성된 땅이야. 다들 별개의 나란거야 수백개가. 아테네 와 스파르타.는 그 수백개의 국가들 중에 두개 일 뿐이고.

이 자잘하게 나뉜 것 때문에. 그리스 는 위대했던거야. 저 발칸반도 땅 크기가 얼마 안되걸랑.
저 그리스.가 지금 13만 제곱키로야. 거기에 알바니아 보스니아 코소보 마케도니아 몬테니그로 요거 합하믄 저게 그리스 땅 크기랑 비슷해. 불가리아는 빼 .
저 땅들에 수백개의 도시국가들이 각각 독립해 있었던겨. 저러면서 제각각 경쟁하면서 교류하면서 상공업으로 그리고 철학과 예술이 발달하는겨. 그 저수지는 물론 바다 건너 메소포타미아 와 이집트였고. 

저리 자잘자잘해야 하걸랑. 저 구조가 고대로 로마 망하고서리 중세를 시작하는 유럽의 봉건제도의 영지들이야. 저 신성로마제국이 얼마나 자잘자잘 한 영지들 인줄 아냐. 프랑스.는 말만 킹이지 다 영주들이 대빵이야. 
그래도 먼 국경이야. 걍 서로들 돌아다녀. 

고대 중국 해봐야. 진 통일 이전을 선진. 하는데. 그래봐야 춘추전국 해봐야 그 넓은 땅덩어리 지금 유럽연합보다 두배 크기에서 끽해야 그게 몇개냐 그게. 
중국이가 지금 개 후진 이유고. 
저게 얼마나 개 후진지를 모르니. 사마천 빨아대면서리, 오 위대한 사마천이시여! 하고 괄호 함시롱(오잉 사마천은 유자고, 유학이고 그걸 이은 조선왕조 위대해유. 그걸이은 삼일독립 음청나유 임시정부 짱이유. 그래서 대한민국 수립 하면 안되유 단지 이승만 미군정의 대한민국정부 수립이쥬.)
사마천이 먼지도 모르고. 사마천 위대하다는 거지. 후진 조선의 정체성을 들춰줄라꼬.

고대 그리스. 고대 로마. 전혀. 전~~~~~혀 몰라. 

저 메소포타미아. 고대 이집트. 전~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~혀 몰라. 걍 허섭 개번역 된 한글 문단들 주워들은게 다지.

아 불쌍해 이땅바닥 인간들. 다 정신병자라니까니 그래서 민들이. 저따위 애들을 좇아다니민서리 지들 사유의 천장을 쳐대니까니 눈깔엔 레이져만 쏘고서리 거짓 분노만 득실득실.

이 땅바닥엔 진보가 없어. 이땅바닥은 진화를 못해. 야만 바바리안의 길로 가고 있는건데 그래서.

Map showing the major regions of mainland ancient Greece and adjacent "barbarian" lands.

저게 고대 그리스의 지역이름이야. 바바리안 땅들은 저 위에야. 일뤼리아 파이오니아 트라케. 
텟살로니아.라고 고대그리스 이야기들 보면 나오는데 텟살로니아.가 저기 텟살리 thessaly 라고 쓰여진 저 본토 동남부야. 아테네.는 저 attica 앗티카.에 있어.
저 구분되는 지명의 지역들에 수백개의 폴리스들이 산재를 한겨. 
아테네.도 저 아테네 도시국가 안에. 도시국가를 해변과 중앙과 서부.로 나눠서. 데모스 demos 라는 자치구가 그 각각에 십여개씩있어. 데모크라시.할때 데모스.는 시민권 가진 민.외에 저따위 자치구.라는 의미가 또한 있어. 


고대 그리스.는 저리 자잘자잘한 도시국가들 의 자유로운 저마다의 경쟁과 교류로 인류 문명을 고차원으로 끌어 올렸지만. 
역설적으로
저따위 자잘자잘한 저마다의 잘남 때문에 결국 망한겨. 

서로들 너무나 잘났걸랑. 누구 하나가 저걸 묶어주질 못해. 페르시아 쳐들어 올때에야 겨우 동맹을 결성하지만 중립 외치민서리 가만히 있는 폴리스들이 또한 허다한겨. 

저걸 로마가 알은겨. 
고대 그리스.는 그래서 또한 공상질은 최고였어. 대갈만 굴리는겨 점점. 나중엔.
로마는. 보다 현실적으로 접근한겨. 실재를 취한겨. 직시를 못했어 그리스는 점점. 현실감이 전혀 없어져 점점.

그 고대 그리스에서 현상만 보지 않고 그 실재. 리엘리티 그 바닥. 세상의 실재. 인간의 실재.를 제대로 직시한 동시에 그리스의 사유를 같이 취한 인간이 바로 
저 페리클레스. 야. 

고대의 인간들 중에 가장 위대한 인간 세 명. 에서 빠지면 섭해. 
저 인간이 죽고. 그리스는 쇠망의 길로 가는겨. 저 인간을 흡수해서 실천한 인간이 안나온거야 정치적으로. 

저걸 받은 인간이 사백년 후에. 로마에서 티나오는거지. 율리우스 카이사르. 아 이 인간 썰을 풀지도 않았는데. 최고야 최고. 카이사르.를 몰라 이땅바닥 조선에 환장한 인간들은.

아 니덜 대체. 아는게 머냐.

 

Pericles' Funeral Oration (Perikles hält die Leichenrede) by Philipp Foltz (1852)^[1]

PERICLES’ FUNERAL ORATION THUCYDIDES (c. 470–c. 400 BC) 71 ______________________ ucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. Rex Warner (London: Penguin, 1972), 143–51. Reprinted with permission. During a twenty-year exile from Athens which he incurred as the leader of a failed military campaign in 423, ucydides spent his time writing a history of the Peloponnesian War. In the first book of his History, he tells us about his method and purpose: Of the events of the war I have not ventured to speak from any chance information, nor according to any notion of my own; I have described nothing but what I either saw myself, or learned from others of whom I made the most careful and particular inquiry. e task was a laborious one, because eye-witnesses of the same occurrences gave different accounts of them, as they remembered or were interested in the actions of one side or the other. And very likely the strictly historical character of my narrative may be disappointing to the ear. But if he who desires to have before his eyes a true picture of the events which have happened, and of the like events which may be expected to happen hereafter in the order of human things, shall pronounce what I have written to be useful, then I shall be satisfied. My history is an everlasting possession, not a prize composition which is heard and forgotten. ucydides looked for rational causes for events because he believed, as he tells us in the paragraph just quoted, that similar events would occur in the future if the same causes were present. He used speeches inserted in his narrative as vehicles for conveying his analysis, as we see in Pericles’ Funeral Oration, in which ucydides had Pericles compare Athens and Sparta. However, as he wrote in Book I, “I have...put into the mouth of each speaker the sentiments proper to the occasion, expressed as I thought he would be likely to express them, while at the same time I endeavored, as nearly as I could, to give the general purport of what was actually said.” e ideals Pericles points to were clearly those of mid-fifth century Athenians

 

In the same winter the Athenians, following their annual custom, gave a public funeral for those who had been the first to die in the war. ese funerals are held in the following way: two days before the ceremony the bones of the fallen are brought and put in a tent which has been erected, and people make whatever offerings they wish to their own dead. en there is a funeral procession in which coffins of cypress wood are carried on wagons. ere is one coffin for each tribe, which contains the bones of members of that tribe. One empty bier is decorated and carried in the procession: this is for the missing, whose bodies could not be recovered. Everyone who wishes to, both citizens and foreigners, can join in the procession, and the women who are related to the dead are there to make their laments at the tomb. e bones are laid in the public burial place, which is in the most beautiful quarter outside the city walls. Here the Athenians always bury those who have fallen in war. e only exception is those who died at Marathon, who, because their achievement was considered absolutely outstanding, were buried on the battlefield itself. When the bones have been laid in the earth, a man chosen by the city for his intellectual gifts and for his general reputation makes an appropriate speech in praise of the dead, and after the speech all depart. is is the procedure at these burials, and all through the war, when the time came to do so, the Athenians followed this ancient custom. Now, at the burial of those who were the first to fall in the war Pericles,1 the son of Xanthippus, was chosen to make the speech. When the moment arrived, he came forward from the tomb and, standing on a high platform, so that he might be heard by as many people as possible in the crowd, he spoke as follows: Many of those who have spoken here in the past have praised the institution of this speech at the close of our ceremony. It seemed to them a mark of honor to our soldiers who have fallen in war that a speech should be made over them. I do not agree. ese men have shown themselves valiant in action, and it would be enough, I think, for their glories to be proclaimed in action, as you have just seen it done at this funeral organized by the state. Our belief in the courage and manliness of so many should not be hazarded on the goodness or badness of one man’s speech. en it is not easy to speak with a proper sense of balance, when a man’s listeners find it difficult to believe in the truth of what one is saying. e man who knows the facts and loves the dead may well think that an oration tells less than what he knows and what he would like to hear: others who do not know so much may feel envy for the dead, and think the

 

orator over-praises them, when he speaks of exploits that are beyond their own capacities. Praise of other people is tolerable only up to a certain point, the point where one still believes that one could do oneself some of the things one is hearing about. Once you get beyond this point, you will find people becoming jealous and incredulous. However, the fact is that this institution was set up and approved by our forefathers, and it is my duty to follow the tradition and do my best to meet the wishes and the expectations of every one of you. I shall begin by speaking about our ancestors, since it is only right and proper on such an occasion to pay them the honor of recalling what they did. In this land of ours there have always been the same people living from generation to generation up till now, and they, by their courage and their virtues, have handed it on to us a free country. ey certainly deserve our praise. Even more so do our fathers deserve it. For to the inheritance they had received they added all the empire we have now, and it was not without blood and toil that they handed it down to us of the present generation. And then we ourselves, assembled here today, who are mostly in the prime of life, have, in most directions, added to the power of our empire and have organized our state in such a way that it is perfectly well able to look after itself both in peace and in war. I have no wish to make a long speech on subjects familiar to you all, so I shall say nothing about the war-like deeds by which we acquired our power or the battles in which we or our fathers gallantly resisted our enemies, Greek or foreign. What I want to do is, in the first place, to discuss the spirit in which we faced our trials and also our constitution and the way of life which has made us great. After that I shall speak in praise of the dead, believing that this kind of speech is not inappropriate to the present occasion, and that this whole assembly, of citizens and foreigners, may listen to it with advantage. Let me say that our system of government does not copy the institutions of our neighbors. It is more the case of our being a model to others than of our imitating anyone else. Our constitution is called a democracy because power is in the hands not of a minority but of the whole people. When it is a question of settling private disputes, everyone is equal before the law; when it is a question of putting one person before another in positions of public responsibility, what counts is not membership of a particular class, but the actual ability which the man possesses. No one, so long as he has it in him to be of service to the state, is kept in political obscurity because of poverty. And, just as our political life is free and open, so is our day-to-day life in our relations with each other. We do not get into a state with our next-door neighbor if he enjoys himself in his own way, nor do we give him the kind of black looks which, though they do no real harm, still do hurt people’s feelings. We are free and tolerant in our private lives; but in public affairs we keep to the law. is is because it commands our deep respect.

 

We give our obedience to those whom we put in positions of authority, and we obey the laws themselves, especially those which are for the protection of the oppressed, and those unwritten laws which it is an acknowledged shame to break. And here is another point. When our work is over, we are in a position to enjoy all kinds of recreation for our spirits. ere are various kinds of contests and sacrifices regularly throughout the year; in our own homes we find a beauty and a good taste which delight us every day and which drive away our cares. en the greatness of our city brings it about that all the good things from all over the world flow in to us, so that to us it seems just as natural to enjoy foreign goods as our own local products. en there is a great difference between us and our opponents in our attitude towards military security. Here are some examples: Our city is open to the world, and we have no periodical deportations in order to prevent people observing or finding out secrets which might be of military advantage to the enemy. is is because we rely, not on secret weapons, but on our own real courage and loyalty. ere is a difference, too, in our educational systems. e Spartans, from their earliest boyhood, are submitted to the most laborious training in courage; we pass our lives without all these restrictions, and yet are just as ready to face the same dangers as they are. Here is a proof of this: When the Spartans invade our land, they do not come by themselves, but bring all their allies with them; whereas we, when we launch an attack abroad, do the job by ourselves and, though fighting on foreign soil, do not often fail to defeat opponents who are fighting for their own hearths and homes. As a matter of fact, none of our enemies has ever yet been confronted with our total strength, because we have to divide our attention between our navy and the many missions on which our troops are sent on land. Yet, if our enemies engage a detachment of our forces and defeat it, they give themselves credit for having thrown back our entire army; or, if they lose, they claim that they were beaten by us in full strength. ere are certain advantages, I think, in our way of meeting danger voluntarily, with an easy mind, instead of with a laborious training, with natural rather than with state-induced courage. We do not have to spend our time practicing to meet sufferings which are still in the future; and when they are actually upon us we show ourselves just as brave as these others who are always in strict training. is is one point in which, I think, our city deserves to be admired. ere are also others: Our love of what is beautiful does not lead to extravagance; our love of the things of the mind does not make us soft. We regard wealth as something to be properly used, rather than as something to boast about. As for poverty, no one need be ashamed to admit it: the real shame is in not taking practical measures to escape from it. Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs 

 

but in the affairs of the state as well: even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics—this is a peculiarity of ours: we do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all. We Athenians, in our own persons, take our decisions on policy or submit them to proper discussions: for we do not think that there is an incompatibility between words and deeds; the worst thing is to rush into action before the consequences have been properly debated. And this is another point where we differ from other people. We are capable at the same time of taking risks and of estimating them beforehand. Others are brave out of ignorance; and, when they stop to think, they begin to fear. But the man who can most truly be accounted brave is he who best knows the meaning of what is sweet in life and of what is terrible, and then goes out undeterred to meet what is to come. Again, in questions of general good feeling there is a great contrast between us and most other people. We make friends by doing good to others, not by receiving good from them. is makes our friendship all the more reliable, since we want to keep alive the gratitude of those who are in our debt by showing continued goodwill to them: whereas the feelings of one who owes us something lack the same enthusiasm, since he knows that, when he repays our kindness, it will be more like paying back a debt than giving something spontaneously. We are unique in this. When we do kindnesses to others, we do not do them out of any calculations of profit or loss: we do them without afterthought, relying on our free liberality. Taking everything together then, I declare that our city is an education to Greece, and I declare that in my opinion each single one of our citizens, in all the manifold aspects of life, is able to show himself the rightful lord and owner of his own person, and do this, moreover, with exceptional grace and exceptional versatility. And to show that this is no empty boasting for the present occasion, but real tangible fact, you have only to consider the power which our city possesses and which has been won by those very qualities which I have mentioned. Athens, alone of the states we know, comes to her testing time in a greatness that surpasses what was imagined of her. In her case, and in her case alone, no invading enemy is ashamed at being defeated, and no subject can complain of being governed by people unfit for their responsibilities. Mighty indeed are the marks and monuments of our empire which we have left. Future ages will wonder at us, as the present age wonders at us now. We do not need the praises of a Homer, or of anyone else whose words may delight us for the moment, but whose estimation of facts will fall short of what is really true. For our adventurous spirit has forced an entry into every sea and into every land; and everywhere we have left behind us everlasting memorials of good done to our friends or suffering inflicted on our enemies. 

 

is, then, is the kind of city for which these men, who could not bear the thought of losing her, nobly fought and nobly died. It is only natural that every one of us who survive them should be willing to undergo hardships in her service. And it was for this reason that I have spoken at such length about our city, because I wanted to make it clear that for us there is more at stake than there is for others who lack our advantages; also I wanted my words of praise for the dead to be set in the bright light of evidence. And now the most important of these words has been spoken. I have sung the praises of our city; but it was the courage and gallantry of these men, and of people like them, which made her splendid. Nor would you find it true in the case of many of the Greeks, as it is true of them, that no words can do more than justice to their deeds. To me it seems that the consummation which has overtaken these men shows us the meaning of manliness in its first revelation and in its final proof. Some of them, no doubt, had their faults; but what we ought to remember first is their gallant conduct against the enemy in defense of their native land. ey have blotted out evil with good, and done more service to the commonwealth than they ever did harm in their private lives. No one of these men weakened because he wanted to go on enjoying his wealth: no one put off the awful day in the hope that he might live to escape his poverty and grow rich. More to be desired than such things, they chose to check the enemy’s pride. is, to them, was a risk most glorious, and they accepted it, willing to strike down the enemy and relinquish everything else. As for success or failure, they left that in the doubtful hands of Hope, and when the reality of battle was before their faces, they put their trust in their own selves. In the fighting, they thought it more honorable to stand their ground and suffer death than to give in and save their lives. So they fled from the reproaches of men, abiding with life and limb the brunt of battle; and, in a small moment of time, the climax of their lives, a culmination of glory, not of fear, were swept away from us. So and such they were these men—worthy of their city. We who remain behind may hope to be spared their fate, but must resolve to keep the same daring spirit against the foe. It is not simply a question of estimating the advantages in theory. I could tell you a long story (and you know it as well as I do) about what is to be gained by beating the enemy back. What I would prefer is that you should fix your eyes every day on the greatness of Athens as she really is, and should fall in love with her. When you realize her greatness, then reflect that what made her great was men with a spirit of adventure, men who knew their duty, men who were ashamed to fall below a certain standard. If they ever failed in an enterprise, they made up their minds that at any rate the city should not find their courage lacking to her, and they gave to her the best contribution that they could. ey gave her their lives, to her and to all 

 

of us, and for their own selves they won praises that never grow old, the most splendid of sepulchers—not the sepulcher in which their bodies are laid, but where their glory remains eternal in men’s minds, always there on the right occasion to stir others to speech or to action. For famous men have the whole earth as their memorial. It is not only the inscriptions on their graves in their own country that mark them out; no, in foreign lands also, not in any visible form but in people’s hearts, their memory abides and grows. It is for you to try to be like them. Make up your minds that happiness depends on being free, and freedom depends on being courageous. Let there be no relaxation in fact of the perils of the war. e people who have most excuse for despising death are not the wretched and unfortunate, who have no hope of doing well for themselves, but those who run the risk of a complete reversal in their lives, and who would feel the difference most intensely if things went wrong for them. Any intelligent man would find a humiliation caused by his own slackness more painful to bear than death, when death comes to him unperceived, in battle, and in the confidence of his patriotism. For these reasons I shall not commiserate with those parents of the dead, who are present here. Instead I shall try to comfort them. ey are well aware that they have grown up in a world where there are many changes and chances. But this is good fortune—for men to end their lives with honor, as these have done, and for you honorably to lament them: their life was set to a measure where death and happiness went hand in hand. I know that it is difficult to convince you of this. When you see other people happy you will often be reminded of what used to make you happy too. One does not feel sad at not having some good thing which is outside one’s experience: real grief is felt at the loss of something which one is used to. All the same, those of you who are of the right age must bear up and take comfort in the thought of having more children. In your own homes these new children will prevent you from brooding over those who are no more, and they will be a help to the city, too, both in filling the empty places, and in assuring her security. For it is impossible for a man to put forward fair and honest views about our affairs if he has not, like everyone else, children whose lives may be at stake. As for those of you who are now too old to have children, I would ask you to count as gain the greater part of your life, in which you have been happy, and remember that what remains is not long, and let your hearts be lifted up at the thought of the fair fame of the dead. One’s sense of honor is the only thing that does not grow old, and the last pleasure when one is worn out with age, is not, as the poet said, making money, but having the respect of one’s fellow men. As for those of you here who are sons or brothers of the dead, I can see a hard struggle in front of you. Everyone always speaks well of the dead, and, even 

 

if you rise to the greatest heights of heroism, it will be a hard thing for you to get the reputation of having come near, let alone equaled, their standard. When one is alive, one is always liable to the jealousy of one’s competitors, but when one is out of the way, the honor one receives is sincere and unchallenged. Perhaps I should say a word or two on the duties of women to those among you who are now widowed. I can say all I have to say in a short word of advice. Your great glory is not to be inferior to what God has made you, and the greatest glory of a woman is to be least talked about by men, whether they are praising you or criticizing you. I have now, as the law demanded, said what I had to say. For the time being our offerings to the dead have been made, and for the future their children will be supported at the public expense by the city, until they come of age. is is the crown and prize which she offers, both to the dead and to their children, for the ordeals which they have faced. Where the rewards of valor are the greatest, there you will find also the best and bravest spirits among the people. And now, when you have mourned for your dear ones, you must depart.’

 

https://online.hillsdale.edu/document.doc?id=355

 

아 이거나 번역한번 해볼라고 들어왔는데

 

쉼.

 

나중에 번역하자. 저거 영역 잘됐다. 

 

데모크라시.는 이 조선바닥에서 민주여 대지만. 그따위가 데모크라시.가 아냐. 데모크라시.라는건 민주.라고 윌리엄 마틴이 번역해서 일본들이 받아 퍼뜨렸지만. 잘못된 번역이야 저건. 민노주. 민의 주인.이란 거. 상나라 탕왕.에게 니가 민들의 주인이다.라고 하늘이 명했다 에서 갖고 온 거걸랑. 이전 썰했고. 저건 잘못된 번역이야. 저걸 기초로 해서리. 노.라는 의. 빼고 바로 인민들이 주인이다. 하는거지. 

 

저건 당시 사회주의.에 환상을 갖고 있던 일본들이 번역한거걸랑. 당시 사회주의니 코무네 니 해야 식자연 소리 듣던 때인거라. 

 

데모크라시.가 인류가 나가야 할 문명의 이정표 걸랑 끝이 없는. 

 

헌데 그 바닥은 먼지 아냐? 

 

free. open.  자유과 열림.이야. 거기에 더하여 law 법이고. 

 

저건 명문이야 명문. 2400년 전에 저따위 말들이 있었어. 미친거지 .

 

.

 

투키디데스.는 저런 나라여야 한다. 라고 주장하는겨. 페리클레스.의 입을 통해서리. 고대 그리스가 위대했던건 저런 나라였었걸랑 또한. 거기에 자기 생각을 더 정교하게 스미게 썻을 뿐이야 저게. 

 

The Code of Hammurabi is a well-preserved Babylonian code of law of ancient Mesopotamia, dated back to about 1754 BC (Middle Chronology). It is one of the oldest deciphered writings of significant length in the world. The sixth Babylonian king, Hammurabi, enacted the code. 

 

함무라비 법전. 기원전 1754년. 지금으로부터 3750년 전에 저따위 법이 있었어. 즉 저당시 메소포타미아와 이집트.는 저런 법이 이미 있어. 

It consists of 282 laws, with scaled punishments, adjusting "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth" (lex talionis)^[1]as graded depending on social status, of slave versus free man or woman.^[2]

 

282개의 법조문. 눈에는 눈. 이에는 이. 같은 아주 구체적인 형벌 조문 부터. 

 

고대 이집트는 배심원들이 판결을 해. 골때리 이거. 이미. 우리네는 이제야 참여재판이니 이제야 시험적으로 하니 마니 하잖냐.

 

저 함무라비 뿐이겄나. 그리스에 넘어가면서리 더 정교해 지는겨. 저 페리클레스.의 법 이야기는 저 역사에서 오는거고. 

 

고대 로마.는 그야말로 법의 국가야. 

 

약한 자를 위해 법이 있다. 법은 약한 자를 위한거다. 

 

야 저따위 말 저가서 하면 뒈진다 뒈져. 약한 자를 위해서 사법질 하다가 그 나라 조땐다. 망한다 망해. 어설픈 감상 이 그 나라를 죽이는겨. 

 

 

 

A side view of the stele "fingertip".
Created	c. 1754 BC
Author(s)	Hammurabi
Purpose	Law code

 

1901년 에 발견된 스틸리. 에 저 함무라비 코드.가 있어. 

스틸리. 나온김에.

A stele (/ˈstiːli/ STEE-lee)^{[Note 1]} is a stone or wooden slab, generally taller than it is wide, erected in the ancient world as a monument. Grave stelae were often used for funerary or commemorative purposes. Stelae as slabs of stone would also be used as ancient Greek and Roman government notices or as boundary markers to mark borders or property lines.

 

묘비.는 툼스톤.이고 tombstone. 스틸리는 저 툼스톤 보다는 큰 개념이고. 툼스톤이라 안해 스틸리.라고 해. 고대의 기념비문이 새겨진 돌판 나무판. 

 

이게 고고학의 중심 중 하나야. 유대땅 유대국 하는 유대.라는 말도 저런 스틸리.에서 확인을 해. 이게 기원전 700년 대에 저런 스틸리.에 유대.라는 글자가 보이기도 하는데 또한.

 

 

An obelisk (/ˈɒbəlɪsk/; from Ancient Greek: ὀβελίσκος obeliskos;^[1][2] diminutive of ὀβελόςobelos, "spit, nail, pointed pillar"^[3]) is a tall, four-sided, narrow tapering monument which ends in a pyramid-like shape or pyramidion at the top. 

 

저것과 비슷하지만 다른게 오벨리스크. 이건 끝이 테이퍼링. 좁아지는겨 날카롭게. 해서 끝이 뾰족해. 웅장하고. 이게 고대 이집트와 저 앗시리아 쪽에 특히 보여. 

 

그치. 자기들 신들 중에 제일 강조하고자 하는 신을 하나 내세워서리 유일신화 하는겨. 자기 왕을 저 유일신의 현현으로 치는거고. 유일신이란 여기서 최고 신이란 거지.

 

이집트의 오벨리스크.를 칼리굴라.가 실어갖고 올라고 상상초월의 배를 만들고서리 죽었지만. 이 배가 진짜 있었더래 파보니까니.

 

저런 기록들에 더하여 동전들. 

 

넘어가고.

 

 

여하튼 간에. 고대사.를 모르면. 민주니 정의니 정치니 시사니. 그따위 아가리 에서 나오는 말글은

 

듣도 보도 말어. 

 

 

 

아 정말 저 개무시기 들이. 깨인 척 애들 선동질 하면서 민주가 어드러코 정의가 어드러코 역사가 어드러코 하면

 

 

 

눙물이 아플 가려.

 

 

로마가 민주여. 로마가 정의고. 로마가 평등이여. 로마가 인민이고. 그 닿을 수 없는 이상향을 위해서. 고대부터 로마를 거쳐서리 중세를 거쳐서리 지금 유럽이 된겨. 앞으로도 그리 갈라고 발광 하는거고.

 

 

니덜이 말하는 민주니 정의니 인민이니 평등이니. 는. 그건 걍 개소리야 개소리. 아무런 배움도 아무런 이성도 아무런 역사도 없는. 그건 망상이여. 그건 인간들을 결국 다 죽이는겨. 그건 야만이여. 수천년 전으로 돌아가자는겨. 

 

저따위 말글 쓰면서리. 대단한 지식인 지성인 자연.하민서리. 

 

 

아 불쌍해 진짜. 민들이 민들이. 

 

저들은 저러면서 돈이나 처 바르면서 따땃 시원하게 살지만.

 

 

대체 니덜이 왜 저따위 말글에 놀아나냐 그래. 

 

 

눙물이 난다 눙물이.